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Sunday, May 10, 2026
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Israel's Secret Kill Squad Has Hunted Down 2,561 October 7 Terrorists — And They're Not Done

On October 7, roughly 3,000 Hamas terrorists crossed from Gaza into Israel. They murdered, tortured, raped, and kidnapped. One of them filmed himself dragging a young Israeli woman named Eden Yerushalmi from her hiding place before she was killed.

As of this week, 2,561 of those terrorists are dead.

The unit responsible is called Nili — a name drawn from 1 Samuel 15:29, meaning "the Eternal One of Israel will not lie." It operates alongside the Shin Bet, Israel's internal security and counterintelligence service, and it has one job: find every terrorist who participated in the October 7 massacre and make sure they never participate in anything again. The unit has been methodically working through the list since the attack, using facial recognition software, electronic surveillance, and prisoner interrogations to identify and locate its targets.

Of the roughly 3,000 terrorists who crossed the border that day, approximately 1,000 were killed in traditional IDF combat operations. The remaining 1,561 belong to Nili.

Israel has done this before. After eleven Israeli coaches and athletes were murdered at the 1972 Munich Olympics by Black September, Prime Minister Golda Meir authorized Operation Wrath of God — a Mossad assassination campaign that tracked the planners across Europe and into the Middle East. Between nine and eleven of the Munich conspirators were killed. The final target was eliminated in Cyprus on February 14, 1988. Sixteen years after the attack. A separate operation, Operation Spring of Youth, hit PLO camps in Lebanon in 1973 and killed over 50 terrorists.

The message then was the same as the message now: there is no statute of limitations.

Critics — and there are always critics — will point to the Lillehammer Affair, a case of mistaken identity during the Wrath of God campaign, as evidence that targeted killings are messy and imprecise. And sometimes they are. But the alternative being proposed by campus protesters and UN committee members last fall was a ceasefire. A ceasefire with the people who filmed themselves committing atrocities and uploaded the footage as recruitment material.

Three thousand crossed the border. Twenty percent are still breathing. The unit's operational tempo hasn't slowed, the intelligence pipeline hasn't dried up, and nobody in the Israeli government has suggested it's time to move on.

That's not a military campaign. That's a promise being kept.

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